because there is a ‘strong mutual interest‘ in maintaining close ties between the two countries. but the i says mr macron wants to make some changes, including ending the current border agreement between calais and the uk. that's a summary of the main stories. newsday is coming up at midnight — now it's time for newsnight. cheering. tough on marine le pen, so can he now be tough on the causes of marine le pen? here in france, they have a fresh start, but a lot of stale old problems to solve. much hope rests on president macron succeeding in reform where previous presidents have failed. it's the last bullet of the pro—globalisation forces. if it succeeds, both anti—system voting will decrease, the xenophobic one, marine le pen, and the alter—globalisation one, mr melenchon. but if it doesn't succeed, then the question will only be which anti—system voting will overthrow the system. and i hearfrom this former socialist candidate for president where this leaves the left. and does that mean the centre now back in vogue?
what does macron‘s success mean for political movements outside france? in particular, what are the lessons for the british labour party? and we'rejoined by the poet, kate tempest. carcinogenic, epileptic, post—traumatic, bipolar and disaffected. atomised, thinking we're engaged, staring at the screen so we don't have to see the planet diet. hello, welcome back to paris, at the end of the long 2017 french presidential election. and at the start of a new phase in modern french political history. emmanuel macron is obviously a big dealfor this country, a fresh face, a reformer, he's leading a new party
with a new programme. but he is also now an important player in the world. his bigger than expected win is a tonic for depressed liberal centrists everywhere. the opposite of trump, he's a man who didn't shy away from his pro—european views, his desire to keep the border open, his belief in trade, his adherence to a tolerant, open society. unlike some others, he beat the far right by taking on its arguments, not by taking them up. for the front national, a very disappointing night indeed, the task of detoxifying the brand, barely half complete. this video of marine le pen dancing away her disappointment last night, was perhaps the first step towards trying to soften the image. as for macron, his party is his creation, a political start—up that has reached a sky—high valuation in no time. but he has yet to actually deliver a working product. that is what he has to do now. cheering
the real work starts here. the election night rally, where supporters dare to dream and their expectations are elevated, even if they're all a bit patchy on the detail. you're happy, obviously. yes! but does macron have a real plan to change france? we don't know about the future or the exact plans, but i know that this is the first election where i'm voting for a candidate that i really believe in. it's really good news for france and europe. france is back. what is macron going to do? oh, my god, don't ask me that kind of question. the morning after, 25 miles away from those celebrations, this is where the work needs to get going, one of those bits of paris that knows what deindustrialisation is. this park overlooks an old peugeot factory. what everybody says that macron‘s problem is the parliament, the national assembly, that he has to get a majority there in order to get things done. and that is undoubtedly true,
but that's just the half of it, because the real problem is to come up with ideas, with policies that are actually going to work, that are going to deliver economic life to parts of the country that have had it difficult in the last few decades, and to do so on a timescale that matches people's current impatience for change. this is aulnay—sous—bois, where the left—wing populist jean—luc melenchon has a high level of support. this couple seem to encapsulate the division france faces. translation: we don't share the same views of macron. it will be very tough for the poorest people. there will be new decrees in the summer that will hurt them. translation: but he's aware of new technology, of the changes in the way we communicate. he knows about young people, social networks and what all that
can bring to the workplace. i think his problems will start very soon. i know people who voted for melenchon who will be out on the streets. gilbert is a local taxi driver. he voted front national, mainly because they're tough on crime and drugs, but also on economic grounds. do you think macron can deliver change? no, he can't do anything. to change the situation, he needs 20 or 30 years. 20 or 30 years? 20 or 30 years. today, macron met francois hollande at ve day commemorations. hollande was one who tried to change the country, but stalled in the face of the famous french resistance. will the same happen now? the guy is so determined, and our institutions give him the opportunity to implement his agenda whatever it takes, but it means we have a really high risk of political turmoil during these five years. you can't overestimate how important
this is for the future of the eu and the liberal establishment. it's the last bullet of the pro—globalisation forces. if it succeeds, both anti—system votes will decrease, the xenophobic one, marine le pen, and the alter—globalisation one, melenchon. but if it doesn't succeed, then the question will only be which anti—system voting will overthrow the system. the french have often had a tendency to deride anglo—saxon economics, but here they are, they've elected someone who's cut of rather anglo—saxon cloth. some would say that's just as britain is moving in the opposite direction, but it means that macron talks about labour market flexibility, reforming the european union. he talks about technology and start—ups, business and enterprise, all the stuff that we've heard about. but here's the thing. if defeating populism is your game, that particular combination of measures,
well, it hasn't been altogether successful in the anglo—saxon countries. at least monsieur macron understands the task at hand, with words for those who voted for his rival. booing. translation: don't whistle, don't heckle. they express anger, confusion, and sometimes conviction. but i will do all i can during the next five years to ensure there will no longer be a need to vote for extremes. at times, he looked nervous last night, and well he might be. his crowd may party, but winning a battle against marine le pen is not the same as winning the war. his task is immense, to solve the problems that draw voters to le pen‘s solutions. it's interesting to ask statistically, what proportion of great new hopes end
in disappointment. and will mr macron nudge those stats one way or the other? whatever the outcome, for now, the french have leapfrogged everybody else in reconfiguring their politics. humiliating old parties, welcoming the new. for the left this has been a humiliating election; so earlier today i sat down with segolene royal, who was the socialist candidate for president ten years ago. she's currently a government minister, one of the biggest figures in french politics on the left. i asked if she was happy about the victory of macron. translation: yes, i'm very happy firstly because he's a very young president and a sign of especially for the young generation, and secondly because he's widened the gap with the far right. did you vote for him in the first round? you voted for him in the second round. in the first round as well? and you didn't vote
for your socialist candidate? no, but i didn't harm the socialist candidate. i didn't say anything. some people publicly endorsed emmanuel macron for the first round, but i didn't want to because it's not for me to denigrate the socialist candidate. that's why i waited until the second round to say anything. i must ask you about the left in politics in france, in much of the world, because we are in a state of confusion now, aren't we? we have three lefts. we have macron, who was centre left. he says he is centre now. we have melenchon, anti—europe left, he was more disposed to europe and his left. can the left carry on functioning with all these different views towards globalisation and all this confusion? yes, there is confusion because the traditional parties are breaking apart and thing on the right.
you've got the far right, the nationalist right, the pro—liberal right and the centre—right and the pro—european right. and the same thing is happening on the left and the right, and we need the parties to regroup. so do you think france is in the middle now of a major new party structure? the french people voted for the centre, but the extreme parties have become more radicalised with a very powerful far right and far left. so we need to be very careful about how the country is governed, because people need to feel included in a new economic, social and environmental model so we have consensus around projects and ideas. you've got elections coming up injune. what is going to happen in those elections? who is going to be supporting whom? are the parties going to work together after the election
to support the new president if he doesn't have a majority in the parliament? how is this going to work? it will depend on the results. we will see next week, when the candidates are known. of course emmanuel macron wants a majority in parliament, but other politicians are considering the option of the socialist party and en marche!, and the republicans and en marche! we don't know whether the president will have a majority, so we willjust have to see how it all works out. do you think he can really make the french fall in love with globalisation? the french have never loved this, have they? can he persuade the french that this is for them? the british have taken it for decades, but do you think the french can become like that, more anglo—saxon in their outlook? why not? take the paris climate change conference. people finally understood the globalised nature of climate change. the french people realise that globalisation can offer economic advantages and innovation, but as in the united kingdom,
there are plenty of people suffering from the effects of globalisation through immigration and low wages because of competition, and there are silent pockets of such people in the united kingdom as well who are living in poverty due to poorly implemented globalisation. so it's not so much a question of being for or against it, but what type of globalisation is good for a country. segolene royal, merci. look at the uk local elections last week, and you see evidence that theresa may saw off ukip in her way, by talking enough of their language to appeal to ukip voters. mr corbyn has responded to populism too, taking on some of the language of anti—elitism. macron has gone about it very differently to either of our party leaders. not for the first time,
whatever happens in the uk election, britain and france will be following different paths. back to you in london. the staunch globalist, staunch europhile, must address the concerns of all those who wanted the very opposite from france's leadership. so how will he chose to redefine the centre left? and what impact might it have here? joining me now chuka umunna, who knows emmaneual macron personally, and aditya chakrobortty, who writes onjeremy corbyn amongst other things. chuka, you talked to him when he first said he was going to run. i just want to get inside that conversation. did it sound like he had a chance? well, i don't want to betray confidences, but they have
en girsré git j’s. ﬁsszﬂhitr kﬁa‘sr wze' system. if you were to try to do something like that here, aside from whether that is desirable, i am not sure our constitution allows for it. but he also tapped into something which is felt as much in france as it is here. if you go to prime minister's questions in france, it is not so different to ours, very adversarial, very tribal. and i think that switch is a lot of people off. nonsense where we just oppose each other for the sake of it. what do we need to do to get things done? and there is something incredibly appealing about that message. surely every politician says we need to get things done. it is more moving beyond the kind of labour— tory, left—right thing. i have spent my entire adult life listening to
politicians who keep likening themselves to being chief executives or business people, but somehowjust get into politics by accident. i don't think we want that in britain. but i was asked, what is emmanuel macron like? i agree with you. being in government is not like being a ceo. but the truth is, what he has done successfully is pretend that there was no party connected to him. we know he was with hollande's party for the last few years so in a funny way, it is a con. trump did the same thing, pretend you're not part of a party. is that what people need to see, a politician who seems detached steady on. if you think of it in the context of our own left, even a telegenic 39—year—old man who talks a good
talk, if you picked him even against someone of the great sexual magnetism of simon danczuk, you would go from macron, right? the problem is that he is offering a kind of reheated centrism which has failed. and in the context of british politics, what we have now is theresa may, who keeps flirting with ukip. and you have jeremy corbyn. is right that anyone standing against marine le pen in the second round would have won? not necessarily. but what i want to say is, could we have a macron situation here? could some bright young spark, somebody who once considered standing for the leadership, go off and become the macron of the british labour party? the context here is very different. if you look at the basic method, married together economic competence and socialjustice and a desire
to just get things done, that was very much it. if people believe centrism is something, that is what it is seen as. in some respects, there are lots of things he wants to do that labour people would feel unpottable with, like investing , ,;;:l_zc_; ;,=. sector in france. their public sector is different to ours and we wouldn't want to do that here. he also wants to further liberalise their employment laws. we wouldn't want to do that here, partly because it's a different context. the point is that if you take jeremy corbyn, he is asking the right questions for our time. he is looking at the unions and the grassroots and questions of fairness and inequality.
jeremy? yes. i agree. then why is there a struggle within labour over the way he is asking these questions? if everyone agrees that we are in a situation where there is too much distrust of old—fashioned policies, is the centre pretty dead here for the left? totally. come june the 8th, i dare chuka to disagree with me on this, labour will take an absolute pounding. 0njune the 9th, what you will see across newspaper commentary of the guy in charge. we need someone a bit more fluent and professional, and that will make things work. actually, go around the labour heartlands, i have just come back from south wales, which labour used are basically run. they assumed it was theirs. if you look at it now, wales is perhaps on the verge of voting conservative for the first time in almost 100 years.
and if you look at why that is, all the mechanisms that people used to rely upon as delivering voters to the labour party, the unions, the social clubs, the industries, they have all gone. i went to bridgend, one of the key targets for tories. even the labour social club shut down years ago. so isjeremy corbyn right to say, as he did today, that if he doesn't win the election injune, he said, i was elected leader and i will stay as leader. he still believes he is the one who speaks for the masses and he has the right message. well, let's see what the vote is —— what the result is. no vote has been cast yet. we’wantto—geﬁthabmr but i take issue here. what is the centre? i don't upset about that.
i want to get the labour party back into government. has touched on something we don't have time to talk about on your programme. the biggest challenge the labour party has faced is that the thing that connected it to its communities, which was the trade union movements, mass organised workplaces, that has gone. aditya, does labour stick with the left? centrist politics and economics have killed off labour heartlands. why would we vote labour? if you think you can take south wales for granted while you go off flirting... but national minimum wage, sure start, record investment, that is left. thank you both very much. we have run out of time. we are going to leave labour to one side. we know it will say strong and we know it will say stable, but next week we finally get to see what else is inside the conservative ma nifesto. the big question for theresa may perhaps is this one, will she stick, or twist? will it be brave?
0r boring? 0n the back of last week's local election results the conservatives could be forgiven for thinking they had a mandate to be properly radical. but will they dare? in a moment, we'll ask about immigration. first, chris cook looks at the fundamentals underlying the polling to see what they tell us about the campaign. but there are some things we can say about this election campaign with some certainty. the first thing you need to know about this general election is very simple. the conservative party called it, and they did so because they expect to do very well at it. if you look at recent polling averages, the tories are on around 43 percentage points, against labour's 27 percentage points. that's a 16 percentage point gap, way up from the 7—point lead the tories had at the 2015 general election.
that big tory lead is being driven by two sorts of movements of voter. first of all, there's been a transfer of ukip voters to the conservative party. so, ukip won around i3% of the vote at the last general election, they are now polling at around 5%. and the main beneficiaries of that fall are the tories. you could spot that at last week's local elections. take norfolk, where until last week, there were a0 tory councillors and 15 ukip councillors. there are now 55 tory councillors. who have moved across to the tories from other parties. across the uk, that's around 4% of people. but that flow is most striking in scotland, a flow that largely came from labour unionists moving to the tory party.
that scottish tory surge comes just as the snp support has weakened ever so slightly. and those two things together mean there are around a dozen scottish seats where the tories have to be taken seriously. there's a real complication in reading scotland, though, which is unionist tactical voting. there are, for example, two seats where, if the liberal democrats can convince conservative and labour unionists to lend them a quarter of their votes, they'll take those seats from the snp. that tactical voting bloc could be an enormous force multiplier for the scottish tories. there was, however, a glimmer
week's local elections. there was some evidence that higher educated areas were turning out more strongly for the liberal democrats than the polling suggested. that's good news for them in some places. it's possible that the lib dems might hold onto richmond park, which they recently took in a by—election, and perhaps take places like twickenham and vauxhall. but several of their seats are also vulnerable to that tory surge. norman lamb, who ran for lib dem leader, is vulnerable in north norfolk. they might lose carshalton and wallington, and southport as well. and that might be this election in a nutshell, a high conservative tide that doesn't spare any of the other parties. chris cook. well, today, as ukip vowed to reduce net migration to zero, theresa may returned to the immigration policy of her predecessors. she repeated the conservative pledge of 2015 which promised, and failed, to reduce net
migration to below 100,000. i think it is important that we continue, and we will continue to say that we do want to bring net migration down to sustainable levels. we believe that is the tens of thousands. and of course, once we leave the european union, we will have the opportunity to ensure that we have control of our borders here in the uk, because we will be able to establish our rules for people coming from the european union into the uk. that's a part of the picture we haven't been able to control before, and we will be able to control it. leaving the eu means that we won't have free movement as it has been in the past. so why is it back again? does it show renewed commitment? or a brazenly political need to talk about achieving it against all the odds? shortly before coming on air, i spoke to former tory leader and welfare secretary iain duncan smith. i asked him whether getting net migration into the tens of thousands clearly, i don't know what's in th e manifesto.
but if the report is correct, then i believe it will be. because the principle of having a target is that you work towards that over a period of time, and make sure you try and achieve it. you're talking about working towards something, hang on a sec, if this goes in the manifesto, don't the public have the right to expect that it will be met? this is your promise to them. if you don't have a target, and you don't seek to achieve that target, then what happens is, you lose control of migration. until we leave the european union, we have an open door policy with the european union, and most of that migration, the vast majority of migration from the european union was low skilled, low paid migration. and therefore, controlling that will allow us to get the right balance of high skills that we need, but controlling very much the low skilled migration that was coming into the country unchecked before. you say that that's the real problem, but you know it isn't the real problem. you'd still have double the numberthabyeuﬂuanﬁ that's from outside the eu, that's got nothing to do with us leaving the eu.
of course, but then you assume straight away that that means that nothing changes. éféfsirfﬁ if i“? 51975 with maybe caps involved, means that you control all of the migration in exactly the same way, which allows you to adjust it. that gives the government greater power to be able to control that target, to get it within a set target of tens of thousands. i believe it is achievable, it was achievable through the ‘90s and there's no reason why we shouldn't get back to it. if you want to get that down significantly, who will you not let in? will you cut the student numbers and the money they bring into universities? will you cut high—value migrants, nhs staff, the people that fill valuable jobs in social care? who's not going to come in, then? now that when we leave the european union will be able to control the whole of migration, which allows you to have a work permit system that says 0k, the low number, high—value areas such as scientists, academics, people who are working in the software industry or even in intercompa ny transfers in the city, these are the people adding massive value to the economy.
the problem was, we had a huge number of low value, low skilled people coming through. these people, for the most part, were not adding value. if you look at the figures, it shows they claimed more in benefits than they offered up in terms of taxation. the key difference is to get control of the numbers of the low value, and encourage uk business to stop just looking abroad for the easy picks and start training much more. you're suggesting pretty much then 170,000 scroungers? 170,000 people adding no value to the economy? no, if you look at the figures, and these figures are clear, they were published by the hmrc a few months ago, they showed if you collate this together, that the low skilled end of the migration, which made up the majority of european migration, particularly from elements of eastern europe, what that amounted to was that they took more in benefits than they paid in taxation. in the other area where people had high—level skills, they paid above—average taxation and therefore added value. getting the balance right about what the uk economy needs, while controlling the numbers, is critical. this isn't ending migration, but controlling it. you got the numbers down
when the economy was suffering and doing really badly. yes, but the whole point about this is, the growth in the economy cannot be fed simply by cheap labour. this is the whole point. we need to change the model, which is what the prime minister wants to do with regards to an industrial policy. we need to be able to get british companies to invest more in skilling and training people in the uk. 0n far too many occasions, i would come across companies who used to say we can't get anybody to work here. then you'd find they hadn't even bothered to look for people in the uk first and foremost. they had gone straight abroad because they thought it was cheaper. my point is, getting companies to value and recognise the skills in the uk and the skills that are needed, is going to be part of a controlled migration policy that theresa may is talking about. iain duncan smith, thank you.
could it be that it's notjust free movement of people that could end with brexit, but free movement of parts? the supply chains of the uk's manufacturers, for example, snake all over the continent, where components are routinely sent back and forth to be worked on. now there are concerns that those supply chains could be disrupted after we leave the eu, costing time and of course money. naga munchetty has been talking to people in the manufacturing industry about how they're preparing for brexit. and a warning for any viewers with alysidophobia: this piece contains chains. lots of chains. for more than a0 years, the uk has been one of the key links in the eu's supply chain, forging relationships and strengthening bonds. brexit could be about to break the chain. manufacturers are wondering how best to maintain crucial trading links built up over decades. so far, they've enjoyed relatively
trouble—free trading access with minimal regulation, paperwork and of course, zero tariffs in the eu. as it seems more and more likely that brexit will take the eu out of the customs union and the single market, a common fear is that trade will become more costly when the uk becomes the missing link. manufacturing accounts for 45% of uk exports, of which half go to the eu. grainger & worrall was set up in 19116 as a family business in bridgnorth, shropshire. it makes engine blocks and prototypes for the auto industry, from formula 1 to well—known car—makers across europe. it's established a reliable supply chain, which could be shaken by the uk's break—up with the eu. our business is about timelines. it's really important for us that we can move parts quickly and efficiently around the eu. three brothers, the third generation of the family now at the wheel. they employ more than 600 people,
with an annual turnover of more than £50 million, supplying up to 100 companies at any one time. looking at those partners, they're questioning what's going to happen, what could be the challenges we'll face going forward, and nobody knows. making one of the company's engine blocks typically involves it going on a whirlwind trip around europe as it undergoes various machining and treating processes. it starts life being cast at the facility in bridgnorth and after five days, makes its firstjourney to italy, where the initial machining of the block takes another five. from there, it's sent to germany
to spend four days being coated. then it's back to italy forfinal machining and assembly, a ten—day process. once more to germany for three days of honing, before returning to the uk for two days for cleaning and final inspection. then the finished engine block is delivered to the vehicle manufacturer's plant in france, a journey of around 30 working days involving six border crossings. how could brexit affect the supply chain for grainger & worrall? the cost impact and the knock—on effect, our customers really wouldn't be very pleased if we did delay them an extra half week. half a week is not a long time, but it sounds as if time really is crucial here. time is absolutely crucial. if we delay a week here or a few days here, it will start to put pressure on to those relationships. what would that look like? they would be looking to see whether they can get those services, or develop suppliers that can do those services within the eu family, and not come to the uk for that.
so the uk would lose out. hours matter, days matter. and for us to have something that's not going to add value in that chain, ie sitting at border control or waiting for bureaucratic paperwork to be completed is very difficult. there's no time or space for a stop—sta rt system in manufacturing. but businesses may not be able to avoid being dragged down by bureaucracy. if you are importing a product and then exporting it back to the country of origin as part of an assembly, you will need a process for dealing with all of that to make sure that you can optimise the duty position. some companies will have that, but lots won't. anyone who doesn't do that who thinks that they can muddle on with business as usual, i think will be at a disadvantage. one such company which is assessing
how it may have to restructure its business post—brexit is magal engineering. it supplies engine parts for car—makers across the world. it has two plants in the uk, as well as ones in france, turkey, india, china and an office in germany. this factory in reading, berkshire, imports and exports to around 30 countries. in order to make this part which controls the temperature of a car and its engine, components are brought in from across the eu. so we've got plastic granules filled with glass fibre. that's come from belgium. we've got a sensor that comes from germany. we've got copper that comes from france. then we completely assemble that here, and it goes to germany as an export. again, going with the flow is essential. founder gamil says he has capital to spare, ideally to invest in growth. however, he may be forced to spend it on swapping which factories produce which goods in order to avoid any onerous tariffs. at the moment, we're importing things from france. we will make here.
but with a lot of things that go from here to france, we will make there or germany, we will have to make outside of the uk and they will go to france, where we have got a plant. this is obviously not something that i want to do, because i want to invest in growth and not invest in capitaljust because i need to move something for tax purposes. there will be pressure to localise more and to do less cross—border transactions and so on, simply in order to maintain cost competitiveness and to keep the supply chain intact. i think it's going to be a headache for a large number of manufacturers. so why not use brexit to dump existing supply chains and set up new links in the uk? a lot of what you might call vocational skills that are required in mechanical engineering and electrical engineering, we just haven't trained enough of those people. we don't have them. without skilled workers, it will take much longer
than the next two years to build a self—sufficient infrastructure in the uk. quite honestly, the skills gap in the uk, i don't know whether it could deliver all the requirements that we want. how long would it take? i think it's a generation. more time is wanted by the body which represents manufacturers. it says two years isn't enough to ensure a smooth exit and at least five years of transition is needed before we break completely from the eu. the cliff edge, in my view, could bring a significant risk of a serious dip in our trade and our output, and with it our gdp. the next two years need to be used to maintain strong relationships with the eu while reaffirming the uk's reputation for being a manufacturing hub of excellence.
this motorsport culture we have is a can—do culture. you're presented with a problem and in motorsport, here is the problem, the answer is yes and then you deliver on it and find a solution. is that your answer to brexit? yes. manufacturers recognise that the shape of the supply chain will change, although with strong links already forged, it's hoped that the system will remain joined up despite the uk's decoupling. that's it for tonight. we leave you with the acclaimed poet kate tempest, who's guest director at this year's brighton festival, which opened its doors on saturday. here she is with a work entitled tunnel vision. goodnight. tunnel vision, tunnel vision work, drinks, heartbreak you can't face the past, the past‘s a dark place can't sleep, the past, the past‘s a dark place. can't sleep, can't wake, sitting in our boxes. notching up our victories as other people's losses.
another day, another chance to turn our face away from pain let's get a takeaway. i'll meet you in the pub a little later, we'll say the same things as ever. life's a waiting game. when are we gonna see that life is happening? and that every single body bleeding on its knees is an abomination. and every natural being is making communication. and we're just sparks, tiny parts of a bigger constellation. we're minuscule molecules that make up one body. you see the tragedy and pain of a person that you've never met. is present in your nightmares, in your pull towards despair. and the sickness of the culture, and the sickness in our hearts is a sickness that's inflicted by this distance that we share. now, it was our bombs that started this war. and now it rages far away so we dismiss all its victims as strangers.
but they're parents and children made dogs by the danger. existence is futile, so we don't engage. but it was our boats that sailed, killed, stole, and made frail. it was our boots that stamped. it was our courts thatjailed. and it was our banks that got bailed. it was us who turned bleakly away. looked back down at our nails and our wedding plans. in the face of a full—force gale, we said: "well, it's not up to us to make this place a better land. it's not up to us to make this place a better land." justice, justice, recompense, humility. trust is, trust is something we will never see till love is unconditional. the myth of the individual has left us disconnected, lost, and pitiful. i'm out in the rain. it's a cold night in london.
and i'm screaming at my loved ones to wake up and love more. i'm pleading with my loved ones to wake up and love more. please, wake up and love more. it is time for your latest live weather update from bbc. a weather change at the end of this week. high pressure gives way to low pressure. wet weather for some of us. tuesday. a finger of high pressure stretching across the uk, keeping low pressure at bay for now. that will change. that will be at the end of the week. until then, most places will be dry. 0vernight, quite chilly. clear in scotla nd 0vernight, quite chilly. clear in scotland and northern ireland, two degrees. the coldest areas here will see a touch of frost. a fair amount
of cloud around the england and wales to begin the day tomorrow in wales. north—east scotland and the northern isles as well. a patchy rain to be seen. possibly in northern ireland as well. the west of england and wales. elsewhere, cloud. sunshine in the far south—east of england. not much at all in the midlands, lincolnshire, and yorkshire at this stage. east anglia as well. fine during the day. nibbling at the cloud. scotland seeing sunny spells. patchy cloud in northern ireland. some sunshine to be had as well. damp andrews lay in the northern isles. here and in parts of yorkshire, cool. warmth in the sunshine. warming in south—east scotla nd the sunshine. warming in south—east scotland and england. a breeze on the coast not as noticeable. clear whether tomorrow night away from
northern scotland. patchy and light rain. temperatures dip where it is clear. colder in rural spots away from large cities. temperatures widely into single figures tomorrow. a touch of frost in some spots. gardeners need to take note on the impact. after that, a chilly start. sunshine the england and wales, southern scotland, northern ireland. northern scotland should be fine. cooler compared to elsewhere. sunny spells coming through. thursday, many will stay dry with variable cloud and showers will break out later in the day. thursday night in the friday lifting northwards. high pressure gives way to low pressure. showers and outbreaks of rain going around into the weekend. not a washout. but some rain in areas where there hasn't been any for some
time. that is your weather for now. hello everyone. this is newsday on the bbc. i i'm rico hizon in singapore. 0ur the bbc. i i'm rico hizon in singapore. our top stories. the bbc. i i'm rico hizon in singapore. 0urtop stories. south koreans are voting for a new president. the front when favours closer ties with north korea. —— the front—runner. this is a scene in seoul now. voting is under way. the philippines president's war on drugs. some local media change the definition of extradition dished —— extradition —— make extrajudicial killings.